The Future of Popular Movements in Algeria and Sudan

The events in Algeria and Sudan will bear witness to history, not only those events that concern the two countries, but politically and strategically. One of them represents the political Islamic movement in a democratic process with the Islamic Front of Fidelity and the other represents an Islamic state in which Omar al-Bashir seized power through a military coup. In this respect, we are talking about two states, one of which is democratic and the other is revolutionary, but has the potential and existence of political Islam in the Mediterranean and Red Sea.

Although Algeria was not ruled by the Ottoman bureaucrats and soldiers during the Ottoman period, the political structure created by considering the ethnic and tribal ties in the country enabled the country to survive for hundreds of years. The first work done during the period of French colonialism was the formation of a new style of government by changing the shape of the political structures and balances that kept the country alive. When this style of administration based on loyalty to France began to be questioned due to international conditions, the Algerian people managed to achieve their independence, albeit very bloody. For hundreds of years, the Algerian people, who were ruled by themselves, taking into account their local balances, started the struggle for independence against the French with this desire to be their own. The struggle of the Algerians was not against French culture but against its administration.

What is still happening today in Algeria, which is still seeking to establish its own style of administration, is aimed at eliminating the administrative remnants of French colonialism.

The interim government, which was formed after Abdelaziz Bouteflika's withdrawal, announced that he would not seek re-election as a result of the protests in the country, failed to carry the country to elections in ninety days. No one could apply for a nomination because of the lack of pronouncing the name of the public to withdraw from the squares, and the elections scheduled for 4 July could not be held. In a country where there is a constitutional gap, National People's Army Chief of General Staff Ahmed Gaïd-Salah has declared that the Algerian constitution will be protected and that the abusers will be asked accountability. In this context, former Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia and Abdelmalek Sellal, businessman Yesad Rebrab and Ali Heddad and Said Bouteflika's brother Said Bouteflika were arrested in order to keep the public's pulse.

 It is said that a provisional government would be established in September, but what is expected of Algeria in the future is unknown.

On the Sudanese side, the street movements initiated by international forces on the grounds of economic problems are still continuing despite the dismissal of General Omer al-Bashir and bloody clashes are taking place in the country. In the country where Islamic values ​​are consumed intensively in the process, the social and political events involving many countries from the American continent to the Far East can be managed and directed very easily. The fact that the conflicts and actions in the country have brought different groups and regions against each other indicates the beginning of a new and dangerous process.

Since activists do not know what and who they want, where and how to compromise, the country is still run under military rule. It is obvious that in the country where there are hundreds of tribes and different regional characteristics, it is not possible for people on the street to decide. The question of whether those who manage them will be able to have their plans accepted by the public is a separate question mark.

After a period of colonialism, the Sudanese people, who have been under stress and hard times under internal confusion, war, separation and military rule, are ruled by someone without realizing what they can do in these complex conditions. In fact, this situation is an important paradox for many Muslim countries. On the one hand, the Muslim cadres governing the country go beyond their own values, and on the other, the people who think that the values ​​they believe are evacuated begin to accept the distant values ​​more acceptable. Today, in the streets of Sudan, people do not protest with the discourses of Islamic literature. CSO leaders who manage people are people who have been educated abroad or have worked in Western NGOs. The financiers of this movement are Sudanese comprador.

So, are the people or the rulers that should be blamed here? Of course, it is possible to accuse the Sudanese people, who have no faith in their own rulers, for embracing other values. But what is important here is not to find the perpetrator, but to question the disappearance of values. The enemy of the Sudanese state and people is no longer the West, and Sudan is a country that has begun to alienate itself.

Algeria maybe a little different. There is an effort to get the state in place by means of methods that do not extend beyond democratic paths, although it is not in place. The popular movement to ensure the harmony between the political system and political culture continues in a legitimate process. Although the public does not think that it will be very successful in this process, it seems that it is insistent to do its best. As a matter of fact, it is not very difficult for a new face to be removed and called “I am different”. Moreover, I believe that even if the Algerian people knew that he would be like the others later, he could accept such an alternative.

In this case, a transition process can be experienced in Algeria without forcing the constitutional structure so much; If we look at what Satan says, the most permanent way of re-accepting the current political balances in Algeria in the medium and long term is to give the public the feeling that an experience like FIS can be experienced again. There are, of course, those who expect routine, stable, patient and non-violent demonstrations to gain a different dimension after a while. If an Islamic jargon begins to be imposed on these protests, then there will be differences in the style of the street and the administration. In favor of those who rule the state every day that prevents the election of the President under these conditions,

Western powers conquest the castle from the inside in the process initiated in order to prevent the countries that have political Islam experience in their past (FIS) and today (Omar al-Bashir). The Sudanese people will now be on the square with more secular, liberal and social democratic discourses, and the Algerians will endeavor to preserve these values ​​that they have already accepted.

In this case, on the one hand, a people who are distanced from their own values, on the other hand, will emerge political authorities that are easily managed or continue to be managed by someone.

Interestingly, secular, liberal and social-democratic discourses have increased in Muslim countries, while racist and fascist discourses have started to strengthen in Western countries where these values ​​have emerged. Racism, which is rising every day in Europe, is now a strong political discourse. These changes in the ideological discourses of the people and political structures in the East and West will be the basic dynamics of international relations in the coming years.

The popular movement, which is being directed in Algeria and directed in Sudan, points to a period of sustainable instability in both countries.